James Dawos Mamit does not deserve the federal ministry post and neither Riot nor Manyin deserve it. Bidayuh are always being the best “yes sir” clan in the country. Well, that is a tradition. We have nothing to do with the government but we are participating for the fuc*** BN victory year after year. “Apa boleh buat? Tuan tolong kami pun boleh jadi lah. Tak payah jadi menteri” . ( Let it be. It is enough to have your help and no need the minister post.)
Who is Dr. Dawos? What can he make for the Bidayuh or what has been done in his parliamentary? Nothing. One centimeter thick tar-sealed road, rubbish site, jail, mosques, balai raya. That all, and the Bidayuh are still the looser under Dawos, PBB and BN. Who cares? Does Najib and Taib care? I don’t think so.
It is better for not having the Bidayuh in BN line-up or else we are fooled by UMNO and BN. We are enough of 45 years living under tree and hunting head, rearing pigs and wearing cawat. We are naked since our grand parent time. The Bidayuh are the hardcore poor although we are governed by BN since last 45 years. There are some contractors under Dawos’s cronyism telling lie to the old folk and giving them shit in every kampung. We have our recycle centre that we never wanted and used, we have more hardcore families; we are walking up to the mountain while others are driving. That doesn’t make sense at all. I don’t know if there is not fund to be given for the Bidayuh development. But Dawos is still our MP and till today, he his still the worst in the history. I think Jawah Gerang is better then him because he was partyless and there is no way to get fund.
The bidayuh should not be sad of this issue. Najib is always Najib and he is a Malay. Razak was the one who burst the 13 May tragedy and he is always remembered as racist. We should keep our community away from corruption and dirty politic. There is no way for Najib to stay long indeed. He has to clean his name.
Thursday, April 16, 2009
Friday, April 3, 2009
Um, no change
Mar 26th 2009 | BANGKOK
From The Economist print edition
Malaysia’s ruling party chooses a new leader, but not a new direction
PARTY conferences are seldom thrilling but this week’s gathering of over 2,500 ruling-party faithful in Malaysia’s capital, Kuala Lumpur, has the eyes of the nation upon it. For, as the United Malays National Organisation goes, so goes the country.
Since Malaysia’s independence from Britain in 1957, UMNO’s chosen leader has always become the country’s leader. This year the torch is passing from Abdullah Badawi, the prime minister, to Najib Razak, his deputy, who is standing uncontested as UMNO leader and due to be sworn in as Malaysia’s sixth prime minister next week.
But his ascension to the top has its difficulties. A resurgent opposition is riding a wave of discontent as the country slides into recession. Some types of old-fashioned repression, like the decision to suspend two opposition newspapers, no longer work in a digital age. The party is widely seen as corrupt and self-serving. Its record on economic growth and maintaining order still attracts support from older Malaysians but counts for much less with younger voters. Everyone in UMNO agrees that trouble lies ahead.
Can it be averted? Mr Najib talks of “massive changes”. But Malaysians have heard it all before, most recently in March 2008, after UMNO’s dreadful showing in a parliamentary election. The spasm of introspection soon turned into a blame game and Mr Badawi was forced to say he would resign. The ensuing scramble for positions in UMNO has done little to change a widespread view that the party has been in power too long. The only person willing to stand against Mr Najib, the consummate insider, was Razaleigh Hamzah, a veteran outsider. Such a contest might have produced a debate about the party’s direction. Instead, Mr Razaleigh’s candidacy was quashed by party chiefs.
The underlying problem—for UMNO and Malaysia—is, to use the favoured euphemism, “money politics”, meaning backhanders paid for public-sector contracts or, where UMNO is concerned, seats at the high table. On March 17th the party’s disciplinary board said it had found 15 members guilty of money politics. They included Ali Rustam, chief minister of Malacca state, who was campaigning to become deputy party leader. He was duly disqualified. (The results of the polling for senior positions were due to be announced on March 26th.) Mr Rustam did not, however, step down as chief minister, nor is he facing criminal charges. Such episodes make talk of reform ring hollow. For all his fumbling, Mr Badawi seemed to recognise this. It is unclear whether anyone in the new ruling circle does.
From The Economist print edition
Malaysia’s ruling party chooses a new leader, but not a new direction
PARTY conferences are seldom thrilling but this week’s gathering of over 2,500 ruling-party faithful in Malaysia’s capital, Kuala Lumpur, has the eyes of the nation upon it. For, as the United Malays National Organisation goes, so goes the country.
Since Malaysia’s independence from Britain in 1957, UMNO’s chosen leader has always become the country’s leader. This year the torch is passing from Abdullah Badawi, the prime minister, to Najib Razak, his deputy, who is standing uncontested as UMNO leader and due to be sworn in as Malaysia’s sixth prime minister next week.
But his ascension to the top has its difficulties. A resurgent opposition is riding a wave of discontent as the country slides into recession. Some types of old-fashioned repression, like the decision to suspend two opposition newspapers, no longer work in a digital age. The party is widely seen as corrupt and self-serving. Its record on economic growth and maintaining order still attracts support from older Malaysians but counts for much less with younger voters. Everyone in UMNO agrees that trouble lies ahead.
Can it be averted? Mr Najib talks of “massive changes”. But Malaysians have heard it all before, most recently in March 2008, after UMNO’s dreadful showing in a parliamentary election. The spasm of introspection soon turned into a blame game and Mr Badawi was forced to say he would resign. The ensuing scramble for positions in UMNO has done little to change a widespread view that the party has been in power too long. The only person willing to stand against Mr Najib, the consummate insider, was Razaleigh Hamzah, a veteran outsider. Such a contest might have produced a debate about the party’s direction. Instead, Mr Razaleigh’s candidacy was quashed by party chiefs.
The underlying problem—for UMNO and Malaysia—is, to use the favoured euphemism, “money politics”, meaning backhanders paid for public-sector contracts or, where UMNO is concerned, seats at the high table. On March 17th the party’s disciplinary board said it had found 15 members guilty of money politics. They included Ali Rustam, chief minister of Malacca state, who was campaigning to become deputy party leader. He was duly disqualified. (The results of the polling for senior positions were due to be announced on March 26th.) Mr Rustam did not, however, step down as chief minister, nor is he facing criminal charges. Such episodes make talk of reform ring hollow. For all his fumbling, Mr Badawi seemed to recognise this. It is unclear whether anyone in the new ruling circle does.
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